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Government Ekpemupolo, the former Niger Delta militant leader better known as Tompolo, is trying to hold on to a pipeline protection contract worth about N48 billion a year as President Bola Tinubu’s administration reviews its approach to oil theft and sabotage in the country’s producing heartland.
The contract, held by Tompolo's Tantita Security Services, has grown into one of the most politically charged arrangements in Nigeria’s oil economy, not only because of its size but because it places a private firm tied to a powerful regional figure at the center of a national security problem.
According to a Monday report by Africa Intelligence, Tompolo has been working his relationships in Abuja and the Delta to protect the deal, arguing that his outfit has the local reach and intelligence needed to disrupt theft networks that operate deep in the creeks and along export routes. Rival power brokers in the region are also said to be pressing their claims, turning the review into a quiet contest over influence, territory and revenue.
Tompolo’s position reflects a broader shift in the Niger Delta’s post amnesty order. Once a key commander in the armed agitation that disrupted oil production, he has recast himself as a security partner, tasked with protecting the same infrastructure militants once targeted. Supporters of this approach argue that local knowledge and community links can succeed where conventional enforcement struggled.
That logic has never been uncontested. Critics warn that outsourcing sensitive security functions to private actors risks weak oversight and blurred lines of authority. They also argue it can create parallel power structures, with contractors wielding influence that can be difficult to challenge, especially in areas where the state’s presence is thin and politics is intertwined with control of waterways.
The money involved has heightened the stakes. At roughly N48 billion a year, the contract is large enough to sustain a significant surveillance operation, fund equipment and logistics, and support extensive staffing. It also carries indirect power through subcontracting and local hiring, a key lever in a region where employment and patronage often shape loyalty.
The review comes as Tinubu’s government pushes for higher oil output and stronger revenues. Crude theft, illegal refining and sabotage have repeatedly cut production and export earnings, weakening public finances and reducing foreign exchange inflows. Any change to pipeline security will be judged by whether it stabilizes volumes and reduces losses.
A shift in the arrangement could take several forms. The government could impose stricter performance targets, split the geography among multiple contractors, or reduce the role of private surveillance in favor of state agencies. Each choice would alter the balance of power in the Niger Delta, and could trigger fresh rivalry if groups feel excluded from contracts that bring money and legitimacy.
Tompolo, according to the account of the situation, is framing his continued role as essential to preventing disruption, while those seeking a larger foothold argue that the contract should change hands or be restructured.
The decision on the N48 billion a year deal will signal whether Abuja sticks with the current model, adjusts it, or reshapes the pipeline protection system in a way that redraws the map of influence across the Delta.
